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GIBRALTAR IS NOT FOR SPAIN TO TAKE OR BRITAIN OR
ANY WORLD AUTHORITY TO GIVE
To form a sound opinion on how to steer Gibraltar out of the
grave international and constitutional situation it finds itself
currently one has to look back and find out why and how this has
happened
The Foreign Office set its policy of negotiating Gibraltar's
British sovereignty a good 40 years ago. In the 1960s Michael
Stewart, Labour Foreign Secretary, well known as a Foreign Office
man, against the wishes of the Gibraltarians agreed under duress
to talk with Spain about their claim to Gibraltar's sovereignty.
The Integration with Britain Movement I led at the time strongly
objected and suggested as a sign of public protest that Gibraltar
is dressed up in black bunting. This was thought to be too harsh
by other parties and was substituted with a candle light
procession to Shrine of Our Lady of Europa. The procession took
place with much support but it did not dissuade the British
Government from holding the talks and symbolically at least,
Gibraltar's position was weakened. This ignominious first act of
erosion of Gibraltar's sovereignty was openly carried out against
the overwhelming wishes of the Gibraltarians as was later
manifested in the 1967 Referendum when in a 95.8 poll, 12,138
voted for retaining the links with Britain and only a mere 44 for
a Spanish Gibraltar.
This democratic pronouncement of the people did not stop the
Foreign Office in its track. Lord Home, then Foreign Secretary in
the newly elected Conservative Government, told me face to my
face, that the conflict with Spain over Gibraltar might be solved
with an offer of a 25 years leaseback. Subsequently the Governor,
Admiral of the Fleet Sir Varyl Begg called the Leader of the
Opposition, the late Sir Joshua Hassan and myself to a meeting to
discuss, what he termed, "A Gibraltarian View", a sketch agenda
on which to initiate talks with Spain. It said that whilst it
would be repugnant to talk about sovereignty because Spain, could
apply more restrictions and cause more problem at the United
Nations it would be reasonable to talk without preconditions.
Talking without preconditions meant that sovereignty could be
included and in this respect the view did not reflect the written
representations my Government had made to the Governor a few
days
earlier.
My precondition to participate in any talks with Spain was based
on the concurrence of a united front approach by the Foreign
Office, the Gibraltar Government and the Opposition. In practical
terms this meant to me Gibraltar being represented by a
delegation made up by a UK Minister heading it, Sir Joshua and
myself. However beforehand the delegation would have to be in
full agreement on their objectives and only if this unity of
purpose could be reached would I agree to the talks. I had no
romanticized ideas of dialogue with Spain as some other Gibraltar
leaders had and as some presently have. Gibraltar has no clout
with Spain at a tough and rough negotiating table. Therefore the
clout necessary to influence the envisaged talks necessarily had
to be provided by Britain. Hence the leading position of the UK
Minister.
The situation has not changed and in the real world the presence
of Gibraltar at any negotiations with Spain can only be positive
for Gibraltar if Britain supports Gibraltar's position but
negative if the views of Britain and of Gibraltar are not
reconcilable. In which case Gibraltar's regrettable alternative
is to oppose the holding of the talks with Spain and as a last
resort boycotting it as it should be doing with the Brussels
Process. The fact the Government may have a mandate to attend
the
Brussels Talks does not mean it cannot be criticized or opposed
on the issue. To advocate curtailing that vital function of
dissenting parties is suggestive of depleting parliamentary
democracy by somewhat assimilating it to a one party system.
Because of the veiled issue of sovereignty included in the
tentative agenda under the "no preconditions" clause, I sounded
Sir Joshua on it to find out if he and I could agree on a united
stand on sovereignty. Realistically assuming that the 25 years
lease would be raised under the "no preconditions" clause, I
quizzed Sir Joshua on it. As he replied that the people might
think there were virtues in a lease, which obviously meant that
he was prepared to examine this issue of sovereignty which was
anathema to me, I felt it a waste of time to continue to be
present, so I withdrew from the meeting.
Fearing that one of my Minister who seemed over ambitious might
cross the floor and enable Sir Joshua to form Government and
consider a leaseback, to prevent such a possibility I called an
early election. Unfortunately we lost the election by 234 votes
and as I feared the erosion on sovereignty continued with the
nefarious 1984 Brussels Agreement acquiesced by Sir Joshua
Hassan
with a reservation on sovereignty. This impotent reservation did
not stop the Airport Agreement that Sir Joshua Hassan said was
the best deal possible and led to Sir Joshua handing over his
responsibilities to his loyal deputy Adolfo Canepa shortly before
the 1988 election which gave his successor little time to
establish his leadership. Lamentably, the Airport Agreement
continues to torment Gibraltar as experienced by Air
Liberalisation and the exclusion from the Single Sky EU accords.
These are serious setbacks for Gibraltar's sovereignty of the
isthmus.
Joe Bossano became Chief Minister after the Gibraltar Social
Labour Party won the 1988 election. He boycotted the Brussels
Process and fought vigorously to save Gibraltar form the ruinous
financial situation that would have followed the payment of #220m
in pensions to the Spanish workers, withdrawn from Gibraltar by
General Franco when he started the 16 years siege in 1969. At the
time my Government suggested the money paid by the workers
into
the pensions funds be handed back to them or to the Spanish
Government. Apparently these suggestions did not meet with
Spanish approval. As usual the Foreign Office did nothing
effective about it and later tried to saddle Gibraltar with a
crippling financial problem they compounded under the Brussels
Process. Bossano won the battle and got the British Government to
foot the bill, but mendaciously the money bring paid in Spanish
workers pensions is accounted for as financial aid to Gibraltar.
Another intended distortion of the truth, harmful for Gibraltar
and construed by the Foreign Office to justify the on going
appeasement of Spain.
During the 8 years of GSLP Government the Brussels Process
was
halted. As a form of countermeasure to the Brussels Agreement,
action to gain the right to self-determination was popularized
with the formation of the Self-determination Gibraltar Group that
so successfully organizes the annual rally and celebrations on
the 10 September, Gibraltar National Day. The raison d'etre of
this lobbying organization is to ensure that the Brussels
Agreement does not achieve its objective of decolonising
Gibraltar by integration with Spain. Self-determination is
therefore diametrically opposed the principal aim of the Brussels
Agreement. It necessarily follows that it is self-contradictory
and absurd for any individual or political entity to support
both. .
At this point I must make some observations on myself to make it
abundantly clear that this opinion is nonpartisan. I do not
belong to any political party but as depicted in my biographical
background that follows I am very patriotically British
Gibraltarian and Gibraltarian British.
With permission from the Commander in Chief I took up politics in
1945 whilst a serving Officer with the Gibraltar Defence Force .I
was elected to the reconstituted City Council with the
Association for the Advancement of Civil Rights. I took up
politics for the same reason that I volunteered into the
Gibraltar Defence Force, to fight patriotically for all the
freedoms rights and responsibilities comprised in our British
Sovereignty. In expressing this 'opinion' I am continuing to do
just that
From message delivered by Mr Hain we gather Gibraltarians are
about to face the moment of truth. I personally foresaw this
moment coming at our last General Election. It moved me to write,
print and distribute in my own time and at my own expense a
nonpartisan open letter, advising the electors not to vote for
candidates who were not unequivocally opposed to the Brussels
Process for the reasons I repeat and reiterate in this opinion.
It is because there has been no unqualified rejection of the
Brussels stratagem by our Government that I think it timely, on
the eve of the forthcoming Brussels Talks, to contribute this
humble personal opinion to the ongoing debate. It is a crucial
fundamental issue directly involving the future of the
Gibraltarians. I have referred to the Government specifically,
and not to the Chief Minister in particular because all Ministers
bear collective responsibility under the British Government
practices followed in Gibraltar by which the Chief Minister is
constitutionally the first amongst equals. However he leads the
Government and therefore without being personal, inevitably some
of the comments are naturally directed at him. For this reason I
have in the past written various letters to him personally
drawing attention to the risks Gibraltar is being exposed simply
by his adhesion to the Brussels Agreement. I have had no
response
to any of my communications so I do not know the intricacies of
his thinking.
May be it is just a political stunt to catch votes from the three
sides of the triangle of voters. From those who honestly believe
Gibraltar stands to gain from an 'arreglito' involving
sovereignty. From those who think it is safe to attend the
Brussels under the conditions set by the Chief Minister. And from
those who hearing him speak so loudly clamouring for self-
determination believe it infra dig for him to attend the Brussels
Talks. It has to be realized that simply by the Chief Minister
associating himself with Brussels, he is giving the process a
colour of right and therefore legitimacy. In this respect in my
view he is doing a serious disservice to Gibraltar and should
totally disassociate himself and correlatively his Government
from the Agreement. By taking this step as well as making the
situation safe for Gibraltar he would bring unity into the
political field at a time when it is most needed
My conviction of the dangers inherent in the Agreement is rooted
in unquestionable and indisputable facts as follows. The Brussels
Agreement was hatched by Lord Howe and Sr Fernando Moran
and
became operative in Feb 1985. It was a deal that in the light of
Lord Howe suited Britain's interests and its overall good
relations with Spain. In the view of Sr Moran because it favoured
Spain as a historical leap forward in their claim for Gibraltar
by specifically including the start of negotiations on
Gibraltar's sovereignties. Yet Spain's ultimate objective is to
oust Britain out of the Strait of Gibraltar. To this effect, Sr
Moran said (26 June 95), Gibraltar is an obstacle to Spain's
control of the Strait and the area about North Africa. Such is
the mastery of Spanish diplomacy over its British counterpart
that since then Spain has wrested the NATO base away from
Gibraltar without complying with her quid pro quo undertaking of
lifting the restrictions on NATO ships and planes moving from
Gibraltar directly to a Spanish seaport or airport. Indeed very
recently the Spanish Foreign Minister has made public his
interest in Spain becoming engaged in the military aspects of
Gibraltar. During the unwelcome long stay of the damaged nuclear
submarine HMS Tireless the Chief Minister rightly gave a hue and
cry when he suspected the Spanish Government were in the
process
of becoming militarily involved in the base. He should be wary of
this happening if he does not end his flirtation with the
Brussels Process. He should not desist abandoning the Brussels
Agreement to avoid being criticized for doing a U-turn. In any
case there is nothing wrong in changing one's conclusions if the
facts in the analytical equation change as they have with Mr
Hain's recent visit.
The Chief Minister has to accept that the Brussels Agreement
tacitly complies with the United Nations General Assembly
resolution 2352(XXII) of 1967 which contrary to the fundamental
principle of the Charter recommended that Gibraltar be
decolonised by integrating with Spain. This Resolution derives
from the 1964 Committee of 24 Resolution 1514(XV) that calls for
the decolonisation of Gibraltar under para. 6 as against paras. 2
and 5, that sanction self-determination as the mode of
decolonising a people. Worse still, Resolution 2429 of 1968 made
the recommendation more forceful by calling on Britain and Spain
to terminate the "colonial situation" not later than the 1
October 1969. Britain reinforced the Garrison at the time to
deter Spain from any possible aggression encouraged by the
Resolution. Obviously the Brussels Process harbours ill omens for
Gibraltar because its final outcome is predetermined just as the
Matutes Proposals are. For this reason the Chief Minister rightly
will not entertain discussing the Matutes Proposals but by the
same token he should disassociate himself from the Brussels
Agreement since its outcome is equally predetermined. Such
inconsistency can be a symptom of selective political blindness.
Mr Hain came to Gibraltar to knock down one British Rock with two
FCO expletive boulders. One coated with sweetening language to
lure opinion towards the trap of the Brussels Talks and the other
with bulling terminology to enrage, irate and incite hyper
British Gibraltarians to shout, "British go home"! Thus ensuring
that if the softly, softly approached works he gets the Chief
Minister to attend the Talks but if on the other hand it fails
the Foreign Office trust the indignation caused will give rise to
anti-British sentiments in the masses. This will send signals to
the British media and Parliament that the Gibraltarians no longer
wish to have links with Britain. They know from experience this
will alienate the support Gibraltar enjoys from its many British
friends and provide the Foreign Office with a free hand to bid
good-bye to the Preamble at the opportune time when they can get
the required Act through Parliament. They are master spinners and
chess aces and can dress up and plan many moves ahead.
The people of Gibraltar must eschew either boulder by boycotting
Brussels and by refraining from expressing any general anti-
British remarks remembering that it is the Foreign Office not
Parliament or the British people who are acting so despicably
against British Gibraltar.
Parliament has over the past two centuries stopped various
British Administrations handing over the Rock to Spain. Through
Parliament we got the Preamble and British citizenship. This was
possible because over the years the IWBP built up in both Houses
of Parliament massive support by organizing letter writing to MPs
and Peers. They were adopted individually as political pen pals,
with whom they corresponded regularly to keep them abreast of
events and developments in Gibraltar. The control centre was
located in Main Street, at Ferrary Ironmongers where the late
John Culatto kept a chart with the names of the correspondents.
It worked then and there is every reason why it should work now
in an age of facsimiles and e-mails. Furthermore it should be
possible to form a League of Friend of Gibraltar in the United
Kingdom. These are thoughts for Gibraltar political bodies to
ponder over and together organize a system that democratically
will put an end to the outrageous abuses committed against the
British, human, national and international rights of the
Gibraltarians by successive British Government.
The report of the Foreign Affairs Committee of the House of
Commons recommended the termination of the Brussels
Agreement.
The Chief Minister did not enthusiastically take this golden
opportunity to disown the Agreement. Instead he continued to
favour Brussels and let down the Chairman Donald Anderson
who
obviously stuck his neck out in defence of Gibraltar. The Chief
Minister has now run to the FCA Committee for support and I am
sure he will get it.
It is encouraging to note the Self-Determination for Gibraltar
Group and Voice of Gibraltar Group, have attained support from
the Government and the Opposition, for an orderly public
protestation. Here is an opportunity for the people to
demonstrate democratically against the acts of omission and
commission of the British Government against the interests and
rights of Gibraltar and its people. FCO's lack of goodwill for
Gibraltar was exemplified by the attitude of the Minister
responsible for Gibraltar, Mr Peter Hain during his recent visit.
Gibraltarians of all ages should attend the demonstration to
express their revulsion against the prejudicial policy of the
British Government on British Gibraltar but must be extra careful
not to alienate the people of Britain or the British
Parliamentarians who patriotically are very supportive for
Gibraltar.
Finally to keep up with globalization, perhaps Sir William
Jackson's dictum should be updated to read, "Gibraltar is not for
Spain to take or Britain or any world authority to give, as it
belongs to the Gibraltarians"!
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